1. 首頁 > 生活經驗 > >

贊美馬丁路德金的英語作文 關于馬丁路德金的作文素材

經驗分享生活經驗

馬丁路德金 ， 非裔美國人 ， 出生于美國佐治亞州亞特蘭大市 。他是美國牧師、社會活動家、民權活動家和美國民權運動領袖 。你想知道描寫馬丁路德金的英語作文寫了什么嗎？這里有一些邊肖收集的關于馬丁路德金的英語作文 。讓我們來看看！
描寫馬丁路德金的英語作文篇一：
Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King, Jr. was an American clergyman, activist and prominent leader in the African-American civil right movement. His main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the United States and he is frequently referenced as a human rights icon today.
King led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957, serving as its first president. King's efforts led to the 1963 March on Washington, where King delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech. There, he raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established himself as one of the greatest orators in U.S. history.
By the time of his death in 1968, he had refocused his efforts on ending poverty and opposing the VietnamWar, both from a religious perspective.
In 1964, King became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end racial segregation and racial discrimination through civil disobedience and other non-violent means. He was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1977 and Congressional Gold Medal in 2004; Martin Luther King, Jr. Day was established as a U.S. national holiday in 1986.

贊美馬丁路德金的英語作文 關于馬丁路德金的作文素材

文章插圖

描寫馬丁路德金的英語作文篇二：
MLK Holiday CelebratesLate Civil Rights Leader
馬丁路德金紀念日
Martin Luther King Jr.'s rise as a civil rights leader began in 1955 when he spearheaded the drive to desegregate public buses in Montgomery, Alabama.
1955年 ， 馬丁路德金在美國南部阿拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市率先發起了一場運動 ， 該運動旨在廢除公共汽車上的種族歧視規定 。從那時起 ， 馬丁路德金逐步躍升為一位民權領袖 。
By August 1963, Reverend King's push for equal rights had become a national movement.
道1963年8月 ， 金牧師為爭取平等權利所做的努力已經擴展成為一場全國范圍的運動 。
That month, more than 250,000 people took part in the March on Washington led by King,it was designed to pressure lawmakers to pass a civil rights bill that would end racial discrimination.
當時 ， 超過25萬人參加了由馬丁路德金在首都華盛頓領導的游行 。該游行活動旨在向立法議員施壓 ， 要求通過民權法案 ， 結束種族歧視 。
Former civil rights activist Roger Wilkins was there on the day marchers gathered in front of the Lincoln Memorial.
前民權活動家羅杰·威爾金斯當時就在林肯紀念堂外聆聽馬丁路德金的講話 。
"It was a glorious warm summer day in which people were rejuvenated.
威爾金斯回憶道:“那是一個溫和而美好的夏日 ， 
And just a good feeling of a country coming together.
令人精神煥發 ， 有一種全國團結一致的美好感覺 。
You really felt, I did for the first time in my life,the weight of America's conscience."
我第一次感受道美國人道心的力量 。”
"I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin,but by the content of their character."
馬丁路德金說:“我夢想有一天 ， 我的四個孩子將在一個不是以他們的膚色 ， 而是以他們的品格優劣來評價他們的國度里生活 。”
It was these non-violent protests and his speeches that drove the civil rights movement forward,and kept the nation focused on the issue of equality.
正是這些非暴力的抗議活動和馬丁路德金的講話推動民權運動向前發展 ， 并讓全國都關注平等問題 。
Dr. King won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964,and that same year President Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act and the following year the Voting Rights Act.
馬丁路德金與1964年獲得諾貝爾和平獎 ， 同年 ， 林登·約翰遜總統簽署了《民權法案》 ， 次年 ， 他簽署了《選舉法案》 。
The measures outlawed racial segregation in public places and discriminatory practices that prevented blacks from voting.
這些舉措取締了公共場合的種族歧視政策 ， 也制止了狠人不能參加選舉的歧視行為 。
Martin Luther King's final campaign was in Memphis, Tennessee in March and April of 1968.
1968年三四月間 ， 在田納西州的孟菲斯 ， 馬丁路德金領導了最后一次活動 。
He led a march in support of striking sanitation workers.
他帶隊游行 ， 支持環衛工人的罷工 。
But the protest turned violent when young militants began looting stores.
但這場抗議活動最終由于年輕激進分子搶劫商店而演變成暴力沖突 。
King was distraught and vowed to return to Memphis to lead a peaceful march.
馬丁路德金焦慮萬分 ， 發誓要重返孟菲斯發起一場和平游行 。
On the night of April 4, 1968 at the Lorraine Motel,King was assassinated.
1968年4月4日 ， 馬丁路德金在洛林汽車旅館被人暗殺 。
Forty years later,King's life is celebrated with many of his dreams realized,including the election of Barack Obama as the nation's first African American president.
40年后的今天 ， 令人欣慰的是馬丁路德金的許多夢想都得以實現 ， 包括奧巴馬成功當選為第一位非洲裔美國總統 。
描寫馬丁路德金的英語作文篇三：
Martin Luther King
馬丁·路德·金
Martin Luther King was born on January 15, 1929 in Atlanta, Georgia. His father was the minister of the Ebenezer Baptist Church, as was his father before him "M.L," as he was called, lived with his parents, his sister and brother in Atlanta, Ga. Their home was not far from the church his father preached and father taught their children what would become an important part of M. L.'s life-to treat all people with respect.
馬丁·路德·金1929年1月15日出生于佐治亞州的亞特蘭大 。其父是埃比尼亞澤洗禮堂的牧師 ， 和他父親一樣 ， 他也被叫做“馬丁·路德” ， 他與父母 ， 兄妹同住在亞特蘭大 。他們家離父親布道的教堂不遠 ， 同時父親也教給了馬丁·路德·金人生中重要的信條:尊重所有的人 。
Martin’s father worked hard to break down the barriers between the races. His father believed African- Americans should register their complaints by voting. As M.L. grew up he found that not everyone followed his parents’principles. He noticed that "black" people and white people were treated differently. He saw that he and his white friends could not drink from the same water fountains and could not use the same restrooms.
馬丁的父親致力于消除種族隔閡 。他相信美國黑人應該通過選舉來表達他們的不滿 。當馬丁長大后發現并非每個人都遵從父母的信條 。他注意到“黑皮膚的”人和白人所受的對待是不同的 。他看到他和他的白人朋友們不能在同一個水壇飲水并且不能共用一個廁所 。
When M.L.was ready for college he decided to follow his father and become a minister. While attending the Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania he became familiar with Mahatma Gandhi, who had struggled to free the people of India from British rule by "peaceful revolution".
當馬丁要上大學時 ， 他決定像他父親一樣當一名牧師 。在賓夕法尼亞克隆澤神學院上學時 ， 他知道了圣雄甘地 ， 了解到甘地通過“非暴力革命”的斗爭將印度人民從英國統治中解放出來 。
Martin Luther King's involvement with the civil rights movement began with the arrest of Mrs. Rosa Parks, was arrested for not giving a white bus rider her seat, Mrs. Parks was not the first African-American to be arrested for this "crime" ， but she was well known in the Montgomery African-American community.
馬丁·路德·金參與民權運動是從1955年12月1日開始的 ， 其原因是羅莎·帕克斯夫人的被捕 。帕克斯夫人是由于未給一名白人乘車者讓座而被捕 。帕克斯夫人已不是第一個因為這種“罪”而被捕的美國黑人了 ， 而她在蒙哥馬利的美國黑人社區中頗有名氣 。
Martin and the other African-American community leaders felt a protest was needed. The African-American residents of the city were asked to boycott the bus company by walking and driving instead. The United States Supreme Court would end the boycott, which lasted 381 days, by declaring that Alabama's state and local laws requiring segregation on buses were illegal. The boycott was a success and Martin had showed that peaceful mass action could bring about change.
馬丁和其他美國黑人社區的領袖們感覺進行抗議勢在必行 。他們要求該市的美國黑人居民步行和自己駕車來抵制汽車公司 。美國最高法院宣布阿拉巴馬州和地方法令規定的公共汽車上的種族隔離是違法的 ， 從而結束了這次持續了381天的抵制 。馬丁通過這次成功的抵制行動表明 ， 非暴力的群眾斗爭能夠改變現狀 。
文學作品翻譯:馬丁路德金-《我有一個夢想》漢譯
Martin Luther King, Jr. – I Have a Dream
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: “For Whites Only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest — quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification” — one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; “and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day — this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: “Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!”
我有一個夢想
馬丁·路德·金
100年前 ， 美國的一位偉人 ， 簽署了《解放宣言》;今天 ， 我們就站在他的紀念像前面 ， 對成千上萬在水深火熱中掙扎、飽受屈辱的黑奴來說 ， 這莊嚴的法令 ， 是他們偉大的希望之燈塔 ， 是他們凌受奴役的長夜終于破曉的歡樂之曙光 。
但是 ， 在100年后的今天 ， 我們仍必須正視嚴峻的現實：黑人并沒有獲得自由 。在100年后的今天 ， 黑人仍然悲慘地生活在種族隔離和種族歧視的桎梏之下 。在100年后的今天 ， 黑人依舊生活在貧困的孤島上 ， 四周被浩瀚的物質財富的汪洋大海所包圍 。在100年后的今天 ， 黑人依然被扔在美國社會的角落里任其消亡 ， 成了自己國土上地流民 。因此 ， 我們今天在這里集會 ， 正是為了讓人們更清楚地看到這種駭人聽聞的慘況 。
我知道 ， 在你們中間 ， 有些人是歷盡千辛萬苦才來到這里的;有些人是剛從狹窄的牢房里釋放出來的;有些人則來自一些地區 ， 在那里 ， 你們因追求自由而痛遭無情的暴風雨般的摧殘 ， 而警察的暴行又使你們深為驚慌不安 。長期以來 ， 你們飽嘗了無窮無盡的和各種各樣的苦難 ， 成了經久考驗的老戰士 。繼續奮斗吧 ， 你們要堅信 ， 蒙受的不白之苦總是要償還的!
回到密西西比去 ， 回到亞拉巴馬去 ， 回到南卡羅來納去 ， 回到佐治亞去 ， 回到路易斯安娜去 ， 回到北方城市的貧民窟去;因為 ， 我們堅信 ， 目前的這種狀況一定能改變 ， 也一定要改變 。我們不應在失望的深淵中逡巡不前!
朋友們 ， 今天我要告訴你們 ， 盡管我們當前屢遭挫折 ， 身處逆境 ， 我仍然有一個夢想 ， 這是深深地根植于美國夢中的一個夢想 。
我有一個夢想 ， 有一天 ， 我們這個國家將會起來維護并真正實踐她自己的信念：“人人生而平等 ， 此乃不言而喻之真理 。”
我有一個夢想 ， 有一天 ， 在佐治亞州的紅土山上 ， 昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子將同桌而坐 ， 暢敘兄弟的情誼 。
我有一個夢想 ， 有一天 ， 甚至那倍受屈辱和迫害的密西西比州 ， 也將改造成為自由和公正的綠洲 。
我有一個夢想 ， 有一天 ， 我的四個孩子將生活在這樣的國家里 ， 在那里 ， 判斷他們的準則將不是他們的膚色 ， 而是他們的道德品質 。
今天 ， 我有一個夢想 。
我有一個夢想 ， 有一天 ， 亞拉巴馬州的黑人男女兒童 ， 將和白人男女兒童像兄弟姐妹一樣攜手并行 。盡管 ， 甚至在今天 ， 這個州的州長還口口聲聲地揚言拒絕實施聯邦政府的法律 。
今天 ， 我有一個夢想 。
我有一個夢想 ， 有一天 ， 峽谷將會填高 ， 大山將會鏟低 ， 崎嶇的山鄉將改造成平原 ， 轉彎抹角的地方將整頓得端正筆直 。上帝的靈光將會再現 ， 而全人類都將共睹這神圣的光輪 。
這就是我們的希望 ， 這就是我回到南方去所抱的信念 。有了這種信念 ， 我們將能在絕望之山上砍下希望之石塊 。有了這種信念 ， 我們將能把我們因民族不和而發出的刺耳的噪音 ， 改編成為一首優美的友誼交響樂 。有了這種信念 ， 我們將共同勞動 ， 齊聲祈禱 ， 共赴患難 ， 團結一致 ， 為自由而并肩戰斗 。因為 ， 我們深信 ， 總有一天 ， 我們將獲得自由 。
到那一天 ， 當上帝的子孫們唱起下面這首歌的時候 ， 就賦予了新的意義：
“魏哉吾祖國 ， 自由幸福邦 。吾歌吾贊美：祖輩存忠骨 ， 移民之驕傲 。一曲自由歌 ， 響徹萬山岡 。”
如果美國想成為偉大的國家 ， 這個理想就一定要實現 。那么 ， 讓自由的歌聲響徹新罕布爾巍峨的山顛!
讓自由的歌聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺!
讓自由的歌聲響徹賓西法尼亞高高的阿勒格尼山脈!
讓自由的歌聲響徹科羅拉多的白雪覆蓋的群山!
讓自由的歌聲響徹加利福尼亞美麗的山峰!
而且 ， 還要讓自由的歌聲響徹佐治亞的石頭山!
讓自由的歌聲響徹田納西的了望山!
讓自由的歌聲響徹密西西比的大山小丘!
讓自由的歌聲響徹每一座山岡!
【贊美馬丁路德金的英語作文 關于馬丁路德金的作文素材】當我們讓自由的歌聲響徹云霄時 ， 當我們讓自由的歌聲響徹每一座大小村莊、每一個州和每一座城市時 ， 我們就能使自由平等的一天早日來臨;到那時 ， 上帝的后裔、白人和黑人、猶太教徒和異教徒、耶穌教徒和天主教徒 ， 將手攜手同聲高唱古老的黑人《圣歌》：“自由了!終于自由了!感謝上帝 ， 我們終于自由了!”